By Arveent Kathirtchelvan
Much has been said about the instability of Pakatan Harapan (PH) over
the past few days. Truly, the infighting, changes in decisions on
working with PAS within PKR and different agendas of component parties
do not make for pleasant viewing for opposition supporters. However, on
that last point, there is a need to review whether voters should be
concerned if there are differing views within the coalition.
The need for conformity within a political coalition is overrated. It
comes from decades of single-mindedness in politics that called for
forced stability. When Malaysia was newly established, it was a country
with communities so culturally different that they needed a unifying
core to which to tie themselves.
Even before the Federation of Malaya was formed, a coalition of
different parties had come together with a single-minded purpose: to
fight for independence. Umno, MCA and MIC were representing different
ethnic groups, and this was a good idea politically because it served to
placate a divided electorate. Nevertheless, all three agreed on that
single purpose.
So strong was this need for conformity that less nationalist, more
leftist organisations were disparaged and even criminalised. This
carried on after independence as the power elite attempted to build
unity through an artificial conformity.
Further differences were vilified and Barisan Nasional (BN) grew to
become a bloc of many political parties which all agreed with each other
on all issues.
It is funny that Gerakan is not making so much as a peep against
racial politics and policies when it is supposed to stand for a
non-ethnic approach to politics, economics, education and culture. It is
that contradiction between personal party philosophy and coalition
practice that makes BN a peculiar entity.
This has only become worse over the years with the growth of racial
politics and Umno’s influence. Eighty-six of the 129 seats in the Dewan
Rakyat are now held by Umno, making its influence in BN massive. It is
not stretching the imagination to say that BN policies will tend to
follow Umno’s and that any opposing voice within the coalition will be
quickly silenced by the party, which holds 67% of the coalition’s seats.
Comparing this to PH, DAP holds 36 seats while PKR holds 28. Amanah
(6) and PPBM (1) currently hold very few seats, but they have never
taken part in an election before and cannot be judged in the same way.
In PH, there is real political weight when one party disagrees with
another. This, instead of being detrimental to the health of the
coalition, is in fact very healthy. What we need to understand is that
each party has its own circle of influence and agenda.
Not all policies that one party comes up with will be accepted by its
non-supporters. Hence, differing positions will force parties to sit
down and come up with policies that might not make everyone happy but
can at least be acceptable to the most number of people.
In PH, we have a better democratic environment than in BN, which is
too Umno-centric for its identity politics to be positive. The whole
reason BN decided on ethnic-based parties was so that these different
groups would be adequately represented.
But now, it seems, parties which are multiracial are becoming increasingly popular.
On this basis alone – that the opposition coalition is made up of
parties that are individually powerful while BN is dominated by a single
party – it seems more practical to vote for PH in order to have a more
democratic process.
That being said, though, it would be extremely optimistic to say that
the coming election will favour PH. There are still serious problems
with the opposition coalition that require a lot of work to resolve.
While healthy discourse and debate between component parties, or even
individual members, is a sign of a healthy democratic system, it is
irresponsible to keep the public in the dark on the direction of a party
or the coalition as a whole.
The best way to solidify the seriousness of the coalition in its
direction would be to talk about issues and policies from the get-go.
This is where PH falls flat.
It seems that along with the need for conformity in politics, we have
inherited the same brand of identity politics as the norm for parties
on either side of the divide.
This system of focusing the political narrative on the cramped
corridors of racial, religious and language considerations strips the
rakyat of the incentive to talk about policy matters such as progressive
taxation, affordable housing and governmental reforms. Often enough,
the opposition seems to be more comfortable harping on the supposed
failures of BN than clarifying its own stance on key issues.
We are stuck in a never-ending loop of the government and opposition slinging mud at each other.
It seems like the empty applause obtained from their own loyalists
has made these parties believe that chasing more claps and hurrahs
through tag lines and buzz words will suffice in place of actual policy
making. It won’t. The most it can do is obtain votes cheaply, and there
may be disappointments later on.
PH has a potentially sustainable democratic model in its diversity of
opinions and the political weight of each party. However, until it
breaks away from the decades-old model of identity politics, it cannot
boast that it is better than BN.
Arveent Kathirtchelvan is the founder and chief coordinator of
#Liberasi, an open platform committed to revising outdated social
constructs.
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